Strategies and Tactics for Dealing with the Australian Public
By John Harper

Pillar One of Nationalist Alternative – “The struggle for the street”

“Extra parliamentary action, grass-roots community work that engenders a positive image, local issues, working ‘outside’ the liberal democratic state.”– Manifesto 2

We are finding a large interest for real change in this country, beyond what the Liberal Democrats of either the ‘left’ (ALP, Greens) or ‘right’ (Liberal Party – Abbot and his reformed neo-con Howard buddies) variety can ever offer.  The major parties only offer more of the same. Australians are yearning for real action, real change, for a party and/or organisation that actually do represent their interests.

Nationalist Alternative’s “Struggle for the Street” begins with local activism as shown in the below photographs.

Some of our outreach methods (Pillar 1) include;

• Leaflet and sticker drops with location dependant on the particular message/campaign
  • Campaign for student rights
  • The rental crisis major capital cities, particularly Melbourne and Sydney Universities
• Public information tables (containing leaflets, stickers, books, business cards and other future merchandise)
• Face to face discussions with the community
• Guerrilla marketing whether it be temporary banners over major freeways or other items coming up
• Attendance at demonstrations and protests
• Joining and aiding existing community campaigns for real democracy such as the opposition to the Newport mosque development in Melbourne
• Numerous social events amongst the networks we build
• Our emphasis on members/supporters to individually be calm and reasoned advocates of nationalism anywhere possible; workplaces, social events, family home, places of worship, hobby and sporting groups, business and professional conferences.

Leaflet tables are now starting to be a regular part of our activism. Various activists set up basic displays near high traffic areas to interact with the Australian public to discuss issues of national importance. Such topics often do not find a platform anywhere else due to State oppression and media blackouts.

Nationalist Alternative has conducted several ongoing sticker and leaflet campaigns in Sydney, Melbourne, Queensland and Western Australia around issues such as water scarcity and student rights which are two issues highlighted on our sticker range.

Nationalist Alternative is involved in the ongoing struggle for the rights for Australian students wishing to further their education at Uni or TAFE. We recognise the value of a unified student body fighting on issues of a broader national scope as a force for positive change. We are one of the few organisations brave enough to state “Put Local Students First!”.

We do not support the selling out of our teaching standards as an export, nor should citizenship be an export! Where other parties and student bodies are more interested in the welfare of niche groups and internationals, Nationalist Alternative is unequivocal in putting local students first. A sentiment which is strangely lacking elsewhere.

Below are some pictures of activism, highlighting the methods used to place stickers. An extension pole can be used for high placement of material. This makes it harder for our oppressors to remove them.

Student issues Nationalist Alternative is involved with include;

• Increasing HECS bills
• Not enough University / TAFE positions despite Australia facing a so called skill shortage
• The use of universities/TAFE/Private College’s as VISA factories where foreign students select any course to simply build the ‘points’ to then achieve permanent residency
• Overcrowded tutorial and lecture theatres as evidence to the production line mentality of university administrations
• Blurring the line between tertiary institutions as national pillars of free thinking and blue sky learning versus increasing corporate pressure to tailor ‘output’ to a pre-defined set of parameters suitable only for entry level into their organisations
• Gradual decline in universities being truly independent and outstanding centres of higher learning and unfortunate growth in corporations like the NAB and McDonalds developing their own academies complete with co-option of titles like ‘Dean’.
• Lack of affordable inner city housing for students, young apprentices and most of the Australian working and middle classes in almost every Australian capital city.
• Low wages and the high start up expenses for apprentices, the lifeblood of Australian industry
• Marginalisation of young Australians in the struggle for increasingly scarce resources, including accommodation and casual work.
• The need for more vocational pathways for high school students inclined to a non- university option

Pillar 2 of Nationalist Alternative – “The Struggle for the Mind”

Acting as a ‘Think-Tank’: insightful cutting articles, and the dissemination of material in any form that de-institutionalizes and breaks the chains of existing liberal/Marxist/Imperialist/Neocon/universalist beliefs, norms, and values, and establish new forms that spearhead nationalist, particularist and ethnic identity” – Manifesto 2

How do we do it?

Political activism is useful if it serves the greater goal of sparking interest and intellectual curiosity on issues and at some future time, real action to bring results.

Changing mindsets is a long hard struggle and success is not measured in days or months or even years, curiosity sparked by activism of some sort is akin to planting a seed that may bear fruit immediately for some and 2 years later for others.
What it takes to “spark the curiosity” of any given individual widely varies.

Hence the numerous publicity methods outlined in the first section (Pillar 1) above are tools we use to bring immediate attention to viewpoints and truths otherwise obscured, outright suppressed or not given an opportunity to be discussed in any mainstream outlet.

Activism delivers ‘interested parties’ to our website and contact points. From here there are 2 further broad categories which enable exploration of ideas to continue.
Written information, facts and figures and Face to Face: the ability to further converse/engage in and leverage your self up through our personal networks.

Our frequent articles discuss the same issues but in greater depth and persuasion including confronting common liberal criticisms/arguments head-on and exposing the thin ground their principles rest upon.
For instance our “Political Correctness” series of articles expose the hypocrisy and double standards of Political Correctness, and how Nationalist Alternative is committed to challenging this “belief system” which many Australians wish to see gone.

Often after a new article is published many enquiries are made, not all from supporters but interested citizens who are intrigued by something different to what their daily newspaper/tv/magazine/classroom is telling them. There will be a lengthy to and fro by email followed by a meeting in person and a request to add them to future mail-outs.

The second category is our face to face meetings, regular socials, exchanging of work opportunities, business/trade/professional contacts and arranging/supporting platforms for events where nationalist speakers (international/national) can create a powerful network of pro Australian people who are keen to leverage off each others skills, competencies and strengths.

Homemade banners are simply another medium for placing information in front of the public or target audience and one that the Politically Correct system can do little to regulate. They have the potential to reach a wide audience with minimal financial costs, the above banner reached thousands of early morning commuters on a Melbourne roadway into the CBD and stayed there for several days.

The positive impact of a homemade banner is not to be over-looked considering the low risks involved and potential for wide exposure. A homemade banner negates the need to use the biased and controlled mass media, and allows your audience to read your own words rather than unbalanced reporting which comes with relying on external sources for promotion.

A homemade banner over a freeway overpass is also an in-offensive way to get your message across, with minimal environmental impact.

Cheap and effective these homemade banners are used

• in combination with more professional vinyl banners at a protest or
• for leaving on main road overpasses
• draping over a corporations billboard
• wrapping a politicians car
• anything your imagination can devise

Whilst an artist has their works sitting in a studio, our studio is the world and any surface we can stretch our canvas over.

Material

White cloth/ polypropylene banner material can be purchased off the roll at arts and craft stores. Alternatively, old sheets can make for an activist ‘canvas’.

Size

We planned this banner by visualising 1 letter = 1 A4 sheet.

It is approximately 3 m long x 1.2 m high. This height provided 4 rows of potential message space.

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Measure the height of the overpass railing

Ensure the whole banner can be stretched taught over a ‘frame’ displaying the whole message rather than having a part of it flapping in the breeze, which would leave some of your words unreadable.

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Fixing your banner

Reinforce the section of the banner where holes are to be placed with heavy duty tape. Plastic cable ties are then poked through holes made around the edges of the banner. A plastic cable tie should be placed every 20-30 cm of edging, ensuring that when pulled tight the entire banner is readable.

Stencils

Stencils in this case were made by printing on A4 card (Portrait) and then cutting out by hand with a sharp blade. Depending on how stiff your cardstock is you may have to use tape for cleaner edges to ensure that there isn’t any bleed through. Alternatively, you can purchase alphabet stencils from arts and craft stores, or other paint providers.

Paint

Any water based paint on cloth material will do and a roller or brush or spray gun can be used to apply letters to the banner. We used about 250 ml of paint.

Costs

The banner shown in the photos cost $10-$18. To reduced costs, approach local suppliers in your area, many will be happy to provide cloth off cuts or sample paint pots. Better still reduce your costs by leveraging your local networks.

By Carla O’Hara and Brian Hudson

The Sydney branch of Nationalist Alternative is currently engaging in a campaign to reach out to help young Australians in the dire predicament of finding and securing a lease on inner city accommodation.

A rental crisis is not just looming its occurring right now and many Aussies are increasingly finding themselves outmanoeuvred and ousted from an ultra competitive, inner-city rental market. Forced into unsuitable accommodation, including squats, the idea of plentiful, cheap, and geographically close student accommodation is as dead in the water as a free university education.

Local students are totally marginalised in the struggle for increasingly scarce resources, including accommodation and casual work.  This effectively means they are being forced out of their traditional living space in the pursuit of Australia’s third largest export: Education.  This is the white-elephant standing in the room no one is willing to address.

In 2009, Melbourne University students with no alternatives for accommodation resorted to squatting, only to be faced with eviction by the university. Squatting is becoming more common among students and the financially disadvantaged in Australia’s capital cities. In Blacktown alone, the Department of Housing has 1800 people on a waiting list for a home, while St Vincent De Paul has recorded a six fold increase in homeless families as the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) begins to bite.

Australia was in a housing shortage as early as 2006, in the wake of house prices lowering and the home sales market stagnating. Fewer people are now buying homes, and the statistics show that 1 in 4 Australians are faced with the prospect of securing a lease.  Net population growth fuelled by immigration is currently at 170,000 per year and rental prices are increasing rapidly as demand for rental units is outstripping supply. In 2008, The Australian Property Monitors (APM) showed there had been double digit rental increase in each Australian capital city as a result of the rental crisis.

Reminiscent of the Great Depression in 1930 are the long queues of hopeful tenants lining the streets for inner city leases. It is not unusual for the number of people turning up to a rental inspection to vastly outnumber those of a sales inspection.  Some real-estate agents have reacted to this purely as an economic opportunity using what are now called “rental auctions”, which see potential tenants bid against one another for the opportunity to secure a rental property. Effectively this puts local students out of the market, and this sordid profiteering means the inner Sydney rental market is a barbaric free-for-all in which the biggest wallet wins.

The executive officer of the ACT Tenants Union, Deborah Pippen, said the rental auctions are unfair. “It leads to an uneven playing field for tenants. It artificially drives up rent prices,” she said.

To add to Aussie rental woes are media reports of ruthless real estate agents who force evictions to gain commissions from new tenants.  This high demand/high turnover/high stakes situation is the reality of inner city renting today. Agents end tenancies without grounds to simply profit a 1^st week re-letting fee, a fee that all agencies charge landlords upon signing up a new person.

This is only the surface of the anti-social behaviour of which some in the Real Estate industry engage in. Any other industry which impacted so negatively on people would be judiciously scrutinised, yet despite the obvious problems, the Real Estate Industry seems to enjoy a privileged position.

Real Estate is the only profession in which you don’t need a university education.Real Estate agents, rather than providing a service worthy of the fees paid to them, are exploiting their position as property middlemen to pit renters and buyers against each other purely to profit even further.

The Real Estate industry has been turned into a business which uses fear, uncertainty and doubt, and blatant lies to manipulate the market.  This can be seen in the current real estate climate, with buyers and renters being given the impression that it’s ‘now or never’, while at the same time, admitting to sellers that the market is shaky.  This climate of doubt and fear, of promises of easy wealth, takes a fair share of responsibility in creating one of the biggest economic and social problems facing the country, that being housing affordability and the subsequent housing shortage.

The rental market has become so tight in Melbourne and Sydney with vacancy rates at historic lows of 1 percent; landlords can be scrupulous in their tenancy requirements. Some like Kerry Arbon who had been on a Melbourne apartment hunt for over five weeks, said he had applied for about a dozen properties without success. Despite a well-paid job and a good reference from a previous landlord, Mr Arbon said he believed he had not been short-listed for any of the properties. For hopeful tenants, being turned down is a real and daily occurrence.

Nationalist Alternative is aiding younger and disadvantaged supporters and members by securing lease contracts on their behalf, and co-ordinating individual students into collective houses.  Nationalist Alternative is also building networks that seek to cut out the rental agent middleman, reducing costs for landlord and tenant.

In this way, Nationalist Alternative is committed to supporting struggling Australians such as local students, who may be suffering financial hardship, through no fault of their own under the excesses of liberal democracy, of which the GFC (Global Financial Crisis) is but a symptom.

Australians interested in more information, please contact Nationalist Alternative via the ‘Contact’ section of the website.

By John Harper
Newport is an inner western suburb of Melbourne, back in July of 2008, activists of Nationalist Alternative, were notified by several supporters who lived and/or are living in the area and had received leaflets, to become involved in the local campaign to make the Council more accountable in regards to its planning decisions, whether for a new concrete carpark, shopping mall or otherwise. As Nationalist Alternative are strong supporters of the idea of local people having a say regarding the future of their own community and in proposed developments, we decided to investigate further.

The planning decision in question was :

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The building plans for a large mosque on Blenheim Road, Newport that could fit hundreds of people.

(see artists impression of the mosque above).

An organisation/s of concerned citizens had formed due to the noticeable negative impact this development will have on the surrounding area. With proposed prayer times ranging from 4:20 AM to 11:10 PM and the prospect of increased traffic, noise and competition for the limited number of car park spaces planned for the area, anyone, even politically correct liberal progressives can see the significant change such a building would bring.

Nationalist Alternative attended meetings, donated funds towards hiring legal representation for the action group and spent evenings volunteering services for the resident activist groups, including distributing their leaflets, advertising their meetings, and collecting signatures and donations and providing moral support.

NatAlt was able to build good relations with the group and with certain key members. As many of the residents are politically inexperienced and often don’t appreciate the deeper underlying issues, it was encouraging to hear people express their thoughts and show us that people are not apathetic and do have an awareness of changes occurring within their community.

The council has a greater obligation to the community aside from ensuring that buildings meet zoning laws and construction requirements, but also in being sensitive to the needs of the community, the culture it has and the wishes of the residents as to the type of community they would like to live in. Developments must therefore take into account the impact they have on the culture, the way that these developments will alter the surrounding area and the suburb in terms of demographics and how such changes will impact on the lifestyle of residents.

Outrageous but not surprising were alleged comments by a councillor, when it was put to him by a resident group member

“have you read and reviewed our submissions to council opposing this development?”

to which was answered

“No”, but you are invited to come and help turn the sods of dirt on the building site with the local Islamic community”.

So to residents, it was as if the decision had been made already and the council was just going through the motions. Unfortunately a few months later in 2008, the council voted to approve the development. Despite overwhelming resident dissatisfaction with the proposal, the council appeared committed to continuing the development, a fact not lost on the disaffected residents.

In response to this, NatAlt chose to lend support to one resident from a action group who chose to be a candidate. NatAlt distributed a flyer advertising the councils decision and detailing how the council appeared committed to approving the mosque regardless of the residents wishes, or without any concern to how this would impact the area. Not only was the flyer one to inform residents, it was a call to kick the incumbents out and an endorsement of the community activist who was running for council.

Despite the sensitivity of the issue and the propensity for people to be critical of community members who express concern over such developments, NatAlt recieved negligible opposition to our efforts. We will continue to play an active role in this issue and help represent the understated and often ignored wishes and concerns of the local community.

Lessons for Nationalist Activists – Relevance and Flexibility

Illustrating the relevance, particularly on a local level, of workingwith Australians on issues that are of importance to them and their dailyconcerns we note the following words of some nationalist activists on the scene:

“We participated in our own door knock down many streets close and far to the development and whilst most residents did not want to become directly active, nearly all to a tee asked us to dispense with disclaimers and other information and just ask them “Mosque? Yes or No”, to which 9.5/10 answered a resounding NO.”

We could have attended and simply hit the area with purely abstract political material,replete with esoteric political though straight out of a European think-tank and dressed in the black bloc look of our fellow nationalists in Europe from where we in Australia adapt the look. (and utilize for different ends as per other images on this site). However in light of the above, in this instance, Nationalist Alternative worked and dressed normally, both as non aligned residents attending meetings and leafleting on the issue along with local residents as well as in our own capacity.

We supported and pushed the demand that council consider more closely and with greater sensitivity the needs of the residents, planning AND Cultural impacts and not blindly push forward developments (Of any nature mosque or carpark or shopping centre megaplex) that will have a negative impact on the community.

Residents have the right to make their voices heard, demand more accountability from indifferent and often major party dominated councils and to have the opportunity to exercise our democratic right to influence the development of our suburbs. Our people demand and require a greater input on the future of our own community, both locally and as the Australian nation.

Below leaflets used in campaign.

First page.

2nd page

NATIONALIST ALTERNATIVE MANIFESTO PART II

by Steve Wood

1. Introduction: Nationalist Alternative tactics

This section of the Nationalist Alternative Manifesto shall examine the question of political tactics – that is, how to go about achieving one’s political goals. Ultimately, the goal of all politics is the gaining of power. Power for nationalists is the ability of a people to exercise self determination on all levels, complete unhindered independence including the right and ability to defend and maintain it. This may occur through democratic elections, through civil war, through a revolutionary uprising, through peaceful separatist aspirations, through a coup d’état…

Politics comes without a manual, without a set procedure. One has to discover how politics works – how one goes about getting, and keeping, power – through practice, through trial and error, and through the study of the past. We need to learn from mistakes made in that past and move forward, in a positive and determined manner.

Here we shall be studying some of the techniques of Communist organisation – in particular, democratic centralism. (It should go without saying that Nationalist Alternative is not endorsing Communism, Bolshevism, of any kind, and actively opposes it. If anything, we are an Anti-Communist group as much as we are an Anti-Globalist group and therefore against any Imperialistic ideology).

Now, isn’t Communism dead and buried, with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, and the turn away from socialism by China after 1979? Yes and no: certainly, Marx’s theory of history, which is at the core of Communist ideology, has been disproved. But, on the level of street politics, the Communist groups are very much alive. (One could point out that, electorally, Communists are still successful in some countries: Communists have won office, through elections, in countries such as Nepal and Rumania. But it is examples pertinent to Australia which shall concern us here). The anti-globalist and anti-capitalist street movements are dominated by the Communists; and the two main Communist factions in Australia, Socialist Alliance and Socialist Alternative, dwarf Australian nationalist groups in terms of size, organisation, funds and in sheer street power.

Finally, the Communist groups in Australia constitute a radical extra-parliamentary opposition, which is something many Australian nationalists aspire to. And, like Australian nationalists, they have been, and continue to, suffer persecution and harassment at the hands of the liberal democratic state, and, moreover, have done a good job of surviving.

These are the reasons why the Communist example is worthy of study and emulation.

2. Democratic Centralism

Lenin, in his classic, “What is to be done” (1902), outlined the key tenets of democratic centralism. I shall list some of them here:

a) A party must develop an ideological position through vigorous debate, adopt it through a binding vote, and then stick to it, through thick and thin. In a congress held over a number of days, the membership of a political party (or rather, the delegates sent to the congress to represent the membership) debate amongst themselves and adopt a constitution, a program (which sketches out the aims of the group over the long-term) and a resolution (which considers political developments in the recent past and prospects for the near future). In future congresses, constitutions and programs are amended by votes from the delegates – paragraphs are struck out, new ones added – and new resolutions adopted.

After that, the membership agrees to abide by the program and resolution, when representing the party’s position to non-members. ‘We believe that…’. The membership does this even if an individual member does not agree with it. (This is a common enough phenomenon in mainstream, liberal democratic political parties: the MP in the Labor or Liberal Party has to support the position adopted by the party membership at the time, even if he does not agree with it, and refrain from criticising it in the public eye).

b) Only paid-up, card-carrying members are truly members. Often, in politics, a member of a political group falls into the habit of saying such-and-such a group of people are ‘with us’, are ‘part of our organisation’. At the time Lenin wrote “What is to be done”, Russian socialists were inclined to view certain factory workers and trade unionists they had encountered as ‘members’ – simply because a Russian socialist activist had handed out a pamphlet to that factory worker (who had some good words to say about it), or had managed to get that worker to come to one or two meetings. Lenin took the view, through, that the real test of one’s conviction was membership: was the factory worker, trade unionist, intellectual, willing to join the party, take out a party membership card, abide by the party rules (as outlined in the constitution) and pay dues – promptly, and in full? If not, that worker could be regarded as a sympathiser, perhaps even a supporter – but not a member. Only a party member is willing to put his money where his mouth is.

c) Conducting of meetings in an efficient, orderly way. Most formal organisations – whether they be bowling clubs, corporations, Rotary clubs, town councils, political parties – conduct their meetings according to a set procedure. That procedure is formally known as ‘parliamentary procedure’ (even the meetings are not, of course, held in parliament). These rules may specify that meetings must have a chairperson, a secretary, minutes, an agenda, a set hierarchy for certain motions (e.g., a motion to adjourn a meeting, to debate a certain position, to bring up an item of unfinished business from the last meeting, etc.). The set of rules known as ‘Robert’s rules’ is the most famous, and well-used, parliamentary procedure.

The rationale for this is as follows. Politics is time-consuming business, and consists mainly of chores undertaken to support the functioning of the political organisation, such as fund raising, the creation and distribution of literature and work into obtaining and maintaining facilities. In order to prevent a meeting from degenerating into a purely social event, one has to organise – take care of the chores and get them out of the way as quickly as possible. Which is why Lenin stressed formal organisation. While holding a meeting with minutes, a secretary, a chairperson, is dull, it is the only way of organising large numbers of people and get those chores done in a reasonable amount of time so that most of the efforts are directed to actual beneficial activities. Conducting meetings in a formalised and structured manner are necessary step in ensuring that items which require discussion and analysis are addressed thoroughly and timely. A successful political organisation will find the right balance between the formalised organisation necessary to make effective use of available resources, and the flexibility necessary to change where necessary and take into account changing and extenuating circumstances.

On top of that, formal meetings are democratic: each of the members has an opportunity to speak freely. Records of meetings (in the minutes) help work out what was decided at a past meeting, what actions, future events or positions of ideology or organisational arrangement were agreed upon, thereby avoiding time wasting disagreements in the future.

This ensures accountability in individuals who can be honestly measured post agreement on what actions they take that have differed from what the group decided upon. This further prevents individuals who may carry a particular critical skill or possession of a critical piece of infrastructure like ‘the website’ from simply flouting the group decision and acting inline with their own wishes. This has occurred numerous times in groups that prefer next to no organisation. That is why it is very important to try and work together as a team for the greater good of the group.

Minutes or the like, are especially helpful when particularly bitter individuals who came out on the minority side of a group vote on a controversial topic want to continue the arguing over and over again. Further, it should be obvious to the reader, when considering our arguments for at least ’some’ formal organisation, that troublemakers or plants much prefer a cloudy working environment where nothing is ever ‘locked in’ – in terms of positions on ideology, how recruits are vetted, procedures, public image to be adopted at a particular event etc. Such lack of clear and sometimes explicit agreement and rules is exactly what troublemakers require to undermine the entire organisation’s efforts.

Clarity and accountability are especially important in regards to the question of handling money – which is probably the greatest potential source of dissension and conflict in an organisation. This is why there must always be total transparency in relation to money matters and there also needs to be strict rules and procedures that need to be adhered to.

The exact nature and level of detail in said minutes will of course be determined by the group concerned and security issues around personally identifiable information. Security and privacy should always be a priority and group members need to be selected to handle those aspects for the group. Those selected for security roles must obviously be trustworthy and constantly vigilant to any threats that may occur.

d) An organisation needs a formal structure. Not only do meetings need to be structured formally, so does the organisation itself. The smallest unit of organisation in a Communist party is a cell, which is made up three people, in a trade union, university, professional association or whatever. Then comes the party branch, then the district organisation, then the equivalent of a state and federal organisation. The district, state and federal organisations have their congresses every few years, when they adopt resolutions and make amendments to the constitution and party program; the branches and cells meet more regularly. As in a liberal democratic party, the rank-and-file membership elects delegates to the district, state and party conferences. So the structure of a Communist party is, in its way, genuinely democratic.

(For a small, fledgling organisation, the act of setting up organisations at the district, state and federal level seems presumptuous, grandiose. But one has to start somewhere. At the first Bolshevik party conference, nine delegates showed up, and a central committee of five was elected. Those five were arrested the next month by the Russian secret police).

3. How nationalists can apply Democratic Centralism

These are the tenets of democratic centralism. At the time, critics of Lenin accused him of being too authoritarian and bureaucratic, too obsessed by control. But Lenin was contesting the notion that revolutions are spontaneous and happen by themselves, without conscious direction, or organisation, from political activists. The two main ’spontaneous’ groups were the anarchists, of course, and (surprisingly enough) certain of the Marxists, who happened to believe that revolution, the overthrow of capitalism, and the dictatorship of the proletariat was inevitable, and so not much needed to be done.

Marxists are still debating whether or not Lenin was right. The point is, though, the same criticisms Lenin made of Russian socialism could be made of nationalism in Australia today. There is too much disorganisation, too little activism directed towards a particular political goal or in fact any goals (social, financial, organisational objectives), too little agreement on what those political goals should be, and too much of a feeling that ‘being nationalist’, ‘being racialist’ and just gracing internet forums and pub meets only (pure socialisers) suffices – one does not have to join a political organisation devoted to actual politics.

A partial remedy is to adopt a version of Lenin’s democratic centralism and apply the four points listed above to nationalist organisation and practice. That way, nationalists shall deploy themselves with professionalism and most importantly purpose. Not only of the Communist groups, but the mainstream political parties (such as Liberal and Labour) as well.

The application of democratic centralism is, in fact, a simple procedure: meetings among branches need to be held regularly, and conducted according to Robert’s rules (of which a good summary can be found in the book “Robert’s rules for dummies”). Because branch meeting are small, one can adapt these guidelines and rules to ones own situation). A constitution can be written up fairly quickly by simply adapting the constitution of existing political organisations. The core tenants of the members can be incorporated, and safeguards put in place to ensure the foundation stones for the groups creation can never be removed. A small, even paltry, monthly membership fee needs to be charged to those who wish to move from Nationalist Alternative supporters to members, simply because people value what they pay for and consider it an investment in their personal, family and unborn offspring’s future by way of enabling the range of activities and capabilities of an organisation dedicated to such goals. And, finally, recruitment needs to be done on a ‘quality, not quantity’ basis. Building a core of competent and capable activists across the working, small business, middle and ‘professional ‘classes’, with skill-sets that can be leveraged towards organisational goals, is imperative.

Furthermore, one can start building a movement – a parallel society where any one individual can go for his needs, personal, economic, educational, social or otherwise is achieved by networks of capable skilled people, not hordes of drunken thugs. As a means of giving people incentive to join something they may put considerable time and effort into, such practices help provide clarity. It is a given that people naturally contribute to activities they feel are worthy pursuits. If their heart is not in it they will eventually leave. No amount of glossy coverings, charismatic individuals or constantly repeated slogans alone will keep them despite an initial honeymoon period.

Communism, historically, has always recognised that a committed member, of good quality, is worth twenty or thirty uncommitted members: the good member will turn up to every demo, every meeting, etc., and so small but determined group of activists will have an effect out of proportion to their numbers.

Finally, there is ideological purity. Nationalism is not a political movement driven by constructed ideologies, but rather a political movement which recognises innate human needs, desires: unlike other political ideologies, which are based on the intellectual constructions and seek to dogmatically follow words, nationalism is based upon observation and recognition of the nature of humanity. All the same, a nationalist group has to maintain a democratically set party line less it simply becomes a friction ridden mess with no direction, much like today’s multicultural society. Amongst nationalists, debates can occur as to what the composition of a nation is, and the relationship and importance of culture, ethnicity and religion to a nation. For instance, in the Netherlands some Dutch nationalists may agree that Muslim immigrants who will not, for various reasons assimilate are not suitable candidates for future immigration, but may disagree on whether relatively more assimilable Chinese immigrants make suitable immigration candidates.

If such an ideological dispute is allowed to fester, the organisation may break into two: which is why the party leadership must give a firm ruling from the start, and make sure that members comply to that ruling. (The point comes when members who continue to disagree with that ruling, and go out of their way to tear down the party by publishing criticisms of the ruling on the Internet, have to be disciplined or expelled, or of course people can choose to depart in the same way they joined – voluntarily). This is all unfortunate, and the nationalist activist hopes that such disputes do not occur within his organisation. But disputes like that will crop up, and so the organisation must have the mechanisms (as outlined in its constitutions) for resolving them.

Then there is the problem of entryism. Most people associate entryism with Communism, particularly Trotskyism, which historically has relied on the tactic. But entryism occurs within nationalist circles as well. According to rumour, activists from the National Party (an agrarian socialist party) infiltrated One Nation in the 1990s, with the intention of wrecking it from within. A purge of the infiltrators would have solved the problem. This is not Stalinist paranoia: it is reality. A party has to struggle to survive, and often politics is the survival of the fittest. The better organised groups (like the National Party) overpower, and eventually destroy, the lesser organised (like One Nation).

We would add that conviction in the rightness of a nationalist ideology is measured by the passage of time and association, whereby the interested individual has participated in various events and by their having undergone some reading on the organisation’s viewpoints and structure. Also, they have demonstrated behaviour consistent with an agreement with said viewpoints and structure.

For instance merely the upfront providing by a member of, say, a ready supply of cash and face value enthusiasm on its own is not enough. A genuine commitment free of hidden agendas, whether for their own ego or to further the plans of another group, is what is required. This is not only to avoid the possibility of state based penetration. Many an organisation or group in Australia has been twisted, thwarted, led down time wasting directions or simply been grabbed hold of by ego-led men purportedly from the same movement. Entryism by such people or persons, to either cause an organisation to fold or become absorbed into another entity, may be for money or quite often simply to forward their individualist sense of ‘pride’ and power measured through metrics like ‘how many members my group has versus yours’, ‘to prove their ideology is superior’ or to ‘to prove their method of organising is superior’. Such individuals always reveal themselves over time, even if only by small slip-ups in speech here and there. Such people should be exposed and kicked out of a strong, self-respecting political organisation, regardless of money input, pseudo-enthusiasm and participation in many events which seemingly made them an ideal member.

4. Movement and Party OR Movement versus Party

It is often said, in nationalist politics, that ‘We need a movement, not a party’ – that, in other words, we need to do what the NPD and the BNP are doing, which is grassroots activism, community activism, community building, and that sort of thing. The proponents of ‘movement-ism’ seem to be basing their thinking on a New Left-ish understanding of politics – that is, that politics is the work of the masses, of the people, of special-interest and pressure groups, who go out and form mass-based, loose, spontaneous organisations (which are not really organisations, but clusters of people) that go out and engage in grass-roots activism. Others take the contrary view, seeming to state that ‘We need a party not a movement’ or ‘The party (as in politically registered one to contest elections) builds the movement’.

The truth is that both approaches are needed. For some people, reading press releases, platforms and hearing speeches output by a party may be enough to inspire them to at least register with your group and vote for you every three to four years. These people are excited by visions, concepts and plans for the future that have not yet (at least on the grand scale) been implemented. They identify because the party’s visions and concepts, which to them are put forward encapsulate their own opinions, values , dreams and hopes. They feel empowered, a voice has been given to their values and opinions, which previously had been absent from liberal politically correct discourse. Then there are those for whom seemingly abstract debates mean little and who start to identify with your group only when they see concrete evidence that your extra parliamentary work , support networks and activities are representing and directly aiding them, and the interests of their community and families.

Community projects of the kind the NPD and the BNP engage – helping the elderly carry their shopping, cleaning up graffiti and so on – are excellent propaganda, which also benefits the party; they are ‘propaganda of the deed’. They show the indigenous German and British communities that the NPD and the BNP are people who genuinely are concerned about the communities they live in. And the community pays those parties back – by voting for them at election time, because the positive word of mouth about the political organisation has circulated through the community, cutting through the negative image presented by the media. In turn, the hard won political representation is used to enact legislation which further enables the community to proper and foster its identity and survival and to repeal harmful legislation that hinders and disadvantages its work.

It is not for us to say whether it is a movement or political party that comes first, in fact a lot of social research merely raises the point that ‘discontent’ of some sort exists (comes first) amongst individuals or a population and that then leads to actions to attempt to correct the real or perceived injustice. So people who form parties or movements are acting from the same source but choosing different organisational methods to achieve it.

Social movement entrepreneurs, think tanks and protest organizations are the catalysts which transform collective discontent into social movements; social movement organizations form the backbone of social movements. Nationalist Alternative seeks to be such a catalyst, a vanguard organisation for the Australian nation (people) both in activism and in intellectualism (Think-Tank) and hence part of the ‘nationalist’ movement. In an attempt to further professionalism and goal driven purpose it is constituted like a political party but is not a ‘party’. Once the formal structure akin to a political party is in place, the organisation for community projects can get underway. After all, community projects requires discipline and co-operation – and a political party-like organisation confers an almost military-type discipline upon its members. Hence, the ‘party’ works together to help create the ‘movement’. Assuming conditions of discontent (always present in the unjust liberal democracy), a think-tank (or plural) provides the ’spark’ of solutions/critique/deconstruction that illuminates possible pathways to solving the issues at hand. The associated (or not) organisations, informal networks and/or party are the ’seeding’ vehicles to help the greater nationalist movement to grow. Together they are the roots of the plant, and the movement and party both grow together as the plant becomes a sapling and grows taller and then sprouts branches and leaves.

It is our belief that a broad three-pillar strategy encompassing the below is an effective combination to proceed with.

• Struggle for the ’street’: extra parliamentary action, grassroots community work that engenders a positive image, local issues, working ‘outside’ the liberal democratic state;

• Struggle for the ‘mind’, acting as a ‘Think-Tank’: insightful cutting articles, and the dissemination of material in any form that de-institutionalizes and breaks the chains of existing liberal/Marxist/Imperialist/Neocon/universalist beliefs, norms, and values, and establish new forms that spearhead nationalist, particularist and ethnic identity;

• Struggle for the ‘parliament’: an eventual participation (once progress in the previous two areas has been achieved) in elections and the current political process in order to leverage the effectiveness of the first two elements and struggle for self determination.

Finally if we are serious about a sustainable future for European and the Australian people, we must continuously and objectively critique and compare our various methods, ideology, organising arrangements, goals (or lack of), behaviour, relations with fellow groups, public image and everything we project to the public.